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Штурм Картахены
Benbow: Господа, у кого есть данные по взятию Картахены Дрейком? Где про это можно почитать?
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Эдд: Benbow пишет: данные по взятию Картахены Дрейком? Есть в English Seamen under the Tudors (1868) Then Drake put to sea again and proceeded to Car tagena, the best fortified place on the Spanish Main. There the same course was pursued as at San Domingo, though with somewhat tougher fighting and with some what greater gain in money. Drake boldly entered the harbour which he had not been afraid to skirt, when a mere pirate, twelve years before. Carlisle and the troops being landed at midnight, three miles away from the town, pressed up to its walls, to find that Drake and the fleet, approaching by sea, had already done half of the fighting. Great wine butts, filled with earth, had been used for a barricade. " Notwithstand ing it was well furnished with pikes and shot," says one of the soldiers, "the assault was, without staying, at tempted by us. Down went the butts of earth, and pell-mell came our swords and pikes together after our shot had first given their volley, even at the enemy s nose. Our pikes were somewhat longer than theirs, and our bodies better armed, with which advantage our swords and pikes grew too hard for them, and they were driven to give place. In this furious entry the Lieutenant-General slew with his own hands the chief ensign-bearer of the Spaniards, who fought very man fully to his life s end." That was at the gates; and the fighting was stoutly maintained at every street corner and up to the market-place. The Spaniards, braver than at San Domingo, were also much helped by some Indian archers, " with their arrows most villain ously empoisoned, so that, if they did but break the skin, the party touched, unless it were by great marvel, died." Many Englishmen, too, " were mischieved to death by small sticks, sharply pointed, of a foot and a half long, fixed in the ground, with the points poisoned, right in the way from the place where they landed to the town," which produced all the more harm because the attack was made in the dark. Cartagena was in the hands of the English at day break, and they held it for six weeks. Much pillage ensued; but Drake, respecting the bravery of his enemies, treated them honourably. " There passed divers courtesies between us and the Spaniards," it is said, " as feasting and using them with all kindness and favour." The feasting, of course, was with Spanish dainties. In the end, on receipt of about 28,OOOZ. as ransom, less than a third of the sum he had originally asked for, Drake restored the shattered town to its inhabitants. To that moderation he was chiefly induced by the illness that had afflicted his people ever since their departure from Cape de Verde. The crews were much reduced, and of the fighting men only eight hundred and fifty remained, a hundred and fifty of those being too weak for any active service. Drake and his officers, after much consultation and with many regrets, resolved that it would be best not only to leave Cartagena with smaller ransom than they expected, but also to give up their plan of despoiling Nombre de Dios, and if possible, even crossing the Isthmus of Darien and attacking Panama. Leaving Cartagena on the 31st of March 1586
Эдд: Еще из Elizabethansea-dogs; a chronicle of Drake and his companions (1918) Delays and tempestuous head winds induced Drake to let intermediate points alone and make straight for Cartagena on the South American main- land. Cartagena had been warned and was on the alert. It was strong by both nature and art. The garrison was good of its kind, though the Spaniards' custom of fighting in quilted jackets instead of armor put them at a disadvantage. This custom was due to the heat and to the fact that the jackets were proof against the native arrows. There was an outer and an inner harbor, with such an intricate and well-defended passage that no one thought Drake would dare go in. But he did. Frobisher had failed to catch a pilot. But Drake did the trick without one, to the utter dis- may of the Spaniards. After some more very clever manoeuvres, to distract the enemy's atten- tion from the real point of attack, Carleill and the soldiers landed under cover of the dark and came upon the town where they were least expected, by wading waist-deep through the water just out of sight of the Spanish gunners. The entrench- ments did not bar the way in this unexpected quarter. But wine casks full of rammed earth had been hurriedly piled there in case the mad English should make the attempt. Carleill gave the signal. Goring's musketeers sprang forward and fired into the Spaniards' faces. Then Sampson's pikemen charged through and a desperate hand-to-hand fight ensued. Finally the Spaniards broke after Carleill had killed their standard-bearer and Gor- ing had wounded and taken their commander. The enemies ran pell-mell through the town to- gether till the English reformed in the Plaza. Next day Drake moved in to attack the harbor fort; whereupon it was abandoned and the whole place fell. But again there was a dearth of booty. The Spaniards were getting shy of keeping too many valuables where they could be taken. So negoti- ations, emphasized by piecemeal destruction, went on till sickness and the lateness of the season put the English in a sorry fix. The sack of the city had yielded much less than that of San Domingo; and the men, who were all volunteers, to be paid out of plunder, began to grumble at their ill-success. Many had been wounded, several killed big, faithful Tom Moone among them. A hundred died. More were ill. Two councils of war were held, one naval, the other military. The military officers agreed to give up all their own shares to the men. But the naval officers, who were poorer and who were also responsible for the expenses of their vessels, could not concur. Finally 110,000 ducats (equivalent in purchasing power to nearly three millions of dollars) were accepted. It was now impossible to complete the pro- gramme or even to take Havana, in view of the renewed sickness, the losses, and the advance of the season. A further disappointment was ex- perienced when Drake just missed the treasure fleet by only half a day, though through no fault of his own. Then, with constantly diminishing numbers of effective men, the course was shaped for the Spanish 'plantation' of St. Augustine in Florida. This place was utterly destroyed and some guns and money were taken from it. Then the fleet stood north again till, on the 9th of June, it found Raleigh's colony of Roanoke. Ralph Lane, the governor, was in his fort on the island ready to brave it out. Drake offered a free passage home to all the colonists. But Lane pre- ferred staying and going on with his surveys and * plantation.' Drake then filled up a store ship to leave behind with Lane. But a terrific three-dav storm wrecked the store ship and damped the colonists' enthusiasm so much that they persuaded Lane to change his mind. The colonists embarked and the fleet then bore away for home. Though balked of much it had expected in the way of booty, reduced in strength by losses, and therefore unable to garrison any strategic point which would threaten the life of New Spain, its purely naval work was a true and glorious success. When he arrived at Plymouth, Drake wrote immediately to Burleigh: 'My very good Lord, there is now a very great, gap opened, very little to the liking of the King of Spain. '
Эдд: Еще из English seamen: Howard, Clifford, Hawkins, Drake, Cavendish (1895) by Robert Southey The expedition then stood over to the main, and kept along the coast till they came in sight of Carthagena. That city, which was then the principal fortress in all that country, and contained about 450 families, was built upon a sandy peninsula, formed by the sea on one side, and on the other by a great lake, which communicates with the harbour. The mouth of the harbour lay some three miles westward of the town, and the fleet entered, about three in the afternoon, without any resistance, or meeting with any impediment. In the evening, Carleill landed, toward the harbour mouth ; the plan being that the land forces should advance about mid- night, " as easily as foot might fall," along the sea-wash of the shore, while the fleet drew the attention of the Spaniards by a false attack upon a little fort at the entrance of the inner haven. When the troops were within two miles of the town, some hundred hoi-semen fell in with them ; but the ground being bushy, even to the water-side, was unfavourable for these enemies, and upon the first volley they turned about, and hastened back to give the alarm. At the same time the English heard a firing in the harbour, where, if anything more than a feint was intended, nothing was done : the place was strong, and a chain drawn across the narrow entrance ; but little or no harm was received. The troops, meantime, advanced till they came to the neck of the peninsula, about half a mile from the town. The strait was about fifty paces over ; " fortified clean across with a stone wall, well and orderly built, with flanking in every part, and a ditch ". There was only so much space left as might serve for ordin- ary passage ; but this opening was now fortified with a good barricade of barrels " filled with earth, full and thick, as they might stand on end one by another ; some part of them standing even in the main sea. This place of strength was furnished with six great pieces, demi-culverins and rakers, which shot directly in front upon the assailants ; and without the wall, on the inner side of the strait, they had brought two great galleys, with their prows to the shore, and eleven pieces of ordnance, thus flanking the approach. On board these the English estimated that there were from 300 to 400 harquebussiers, and, to defend the barricade, 300 shot and pikes." * The Spaniards, being thus ready to receive their sturdy visitors, spared not their shot ; but they expended most of it in vain ; for they were too eager to wait till they could see the enemy ; and while they fired in the darkness, Carleill advanced along the lowest ground, close to the water's edge, where the tide, too, had somewhat fallen. He had ordered his men not to fire till they should come to the wall-side ; so, " with pikes roundly together," they approached, and finding the barricade of barrels, strongly as it was manned, the best place where to make their assault, they assailed it. " Down went the butts of earth, and pell-mell came our swords and pikes together, after our shot had given their first volley, even at the enemy's nose." The English pikes were somewhat longer than theirs, and the English were also better armed, for very few of the Spaniards wore any defensive armour : this want, and the disadvantage of their pikes, was felt when it came thus to the push. Their standard-bearer, fighting man- fully to the last, fell by Carleill's hands : they gave way ; and the assailants, giving them no time to breathe, followed them into the town. At every street's end they had raised bar- ricadoes of earth-work, with trenches in front, which were better made than defended ; the little resistance which they attempted there being soon overcome, with trifling loss. They had stationed many Indian archers " in corners of ad- vantage, with their arrows most villainously empoisoned ; so that if they did but break the skin, the party so touched, unless it were by great marvel, died ". Some were likewise " mischieved to death by small sticks, sharply pointed, of a foot and a half long, fixed in the ground, with the points poisoned, right in the way from the place where they landed toward the town ; but by keeping the shore, the invaders escaped the greater part of these ". The chief commander of the Spaniards was wounded and taken by Captain Goring ; and when the English had established themselves in the market-place no farther opposition was attempted, the Spaniards retiring into the interior, whither they had previ- ously removed their families and their treasure. They had been warned of their danger twenty days before, and had employed the time diligently in preparing both for defence and for the consequences of defeat. Having taken the city, the adventurers pursued the same course as at St. Domingo
Эдд: Еще из The boy's Drake, Story of the greatest sea fighter of the sixteenth century (1910 by E.M. Bacon The next place for attack in Drake's programme the island of Margarita could not be reached because of tempestuous weather and contrary winds. Rio de la Hacha was also passed by, the admiral apparently having determined to make at once for Cartagena. Frobisher was sent ahead to work close in along the coast, on the lookout for some pilots whom he might pick up with Spanish prizes; but he found no prizes and consequently no pilots, and Drake was obliged to rely upon his own knowledge of the passage. This he did successfully, and without mishap the fleet ar rived off Cartagena on the Qth of February. Cartagena, unlike Santo Domingo, was prepared for his coming. The city had had three weeks' notice of his presence on the coast, and had learned, too, all about his performance at Santo Domingo. Accord ingly it had been put in a state of defence and so thor oughly that Drake might well have decided that it was impregnable and declined the fight. But it was not in his nature so to act. The greater the obstacles in his path the stronger his determination to pursue that path. He had come to subdue this city, and this he would do or attempt at any or all hazards, regardless of its preparedness against him. Cartagena by her position, as Drake had found when here before, was naturally well protected. Now the narrow channel from the outer harbour to the inner harbour, close to the main-land, was barred by a chain. On the main-land had been set up a fort commanding both the narrow stone causeway that gave access to the city therefrom and the entrance from the outer harbour by the Boca Grande, or Great Mouth. On the piece of land lying between the Great Mouth and the city walls an intrenchment had been thrown up, the banks protected by poisoned stakes. In the inner har bour to defend these earthworks were stationed two armed galleys. The city's garrison comprised, as enu merated by Corbett, a force of fifty lancers, four hun dred and fifty harquebusiers, one hundred pikemen, twenty negro musketeers, and four hundred Indian bowmen; besides these there were one hundred and fifty harquebusiers serving in the two galleys attached to the port as guard ships under Don Pedro Vique Manrique, general of the coast of the Spanish Main. Drake upon the afternoon of his arrival daringly sailed his fleet past the city and the Great Mouth so close as to draw the fire of the batteries. Having fully taken in the position of affairs he had determined his line of attack, and his manoeuvres soon astonished the Spanish on-lookers. They saw him with consummate skill and nerve piloting the whole fleet through the perilous southern entrance, the Little Mouth, at the far end of the outer harbour, then working back till he had come off the inner end of the Great Mouth, and finally coming to anchor about a mile from the main entrance of the inner harbour. In taking this position it looked as though his purpose was to attempt to force the inner harbour defences by a direct attack. But this was a move calculated to deceive the city's defenders, as it did. And so was the next move the detachment of Frobisher apparently to prepare for a demonstration against the harbour fort with a flotilla. This was the situation at nightfall. After dark the real operations were begun. Then Carleill with his full complement of troops was secretly landed in the Great Mouth, under cover of woods that spread over the land between the fleet and the city. His orders were to push diagonally through the woods to the shore, and there, instead of advancing on the front of the intrenchment, to wade along the "sea-wash" the wash of the surf till close enough for a rush on the city. In tramping through the woods in the dark much time was lost by reason of the "slender knowl edge " of the guide, possibly one of Drake's men with him in his former cruising about the place. When the stealthily moving force were within two miles of the city they suddenly encountered a cavalry picket of some two hundred horsemen. Shots were exchanged, and after the first volley of the invaders the horsemen galloped off townward : not because they were routed, but because the "place being woody and bushy even to the water's side" it was impossible for their horses to make into it. Immediately upon the withdrawal of the picket the invaders heard the sound of the guns of Frobisher's flotilla engaging the fort. Presumably Frobisher had taken the sound of their exchange of shots with the picket as his signal to develop his feint. Soon now the shore was reached and the wading in the sea-wash begun. Undiscovered they reached the point desired, "within striking distance," and Carleill halted all in the water to form for the attack. Captain Sampson with the pikemen and Captain Goring with the musketeers were given the front of the line; Sergeant-Major Powell with the "main- battle" of four companies was placed next the van guard; Captain Morgan with a single company was assigned the rear. Thus the advance was cautiously made. It was found that the intrenchment did not extend quite down to the sea, space being left at its end by which the picket had regained the city; but this space was closed up with large wine butts or pipes, filled with earth, and piled one on top of another and extending into the water. Here, out of reach of the guns of the intrenchment and of the galleys, Carleill determined to make the rush. When all was in readi ness he sounded his signal to assault. Goring' s mus keteers ran forward and delivered a volley into the front of the surprised garrison; Sampson's pikemen dashing through their ranks came to "push of pike"; the main body pressed close after the pikemen with huzzas. "Down went the buts of earth," says the soldier narrator Biggs, "and pellmell came our swordes and pikes together, after our shot had first given their volley, even at the enemy's nose. Our pikes were somewhat larger than theirs, and our bodies better armed [with armour], for very few of them were armed: with which advantage our swordes and pikes grew too hard for them, and they driven to give place." Thus the invaders got inside. In their "furious entry the Lieutenant generall slew with his owne hands the chiefe Ensigne bearer of the Spaniards who fought very manfully to his lives end." Here the gallant Sampson was wounded by a sword's blow. Goring, also hurt by a sword, disabled his assailant and took him prisoner. As at Santo Domingo, upon carrying the gates the in vaders gave their opponents no leisure for breath, but drove them till the plaza was won. Yet the Spaniards made a courageous resistance, with repeated stands and hand-to-hand struggles, before the place was attained. Once seized, however, and fully occupied, the defeated troops broke, and evacuated the city; and hastening across the causeway, made for the hills of the country beyond where, at Drake's appearance before the city, the women and children had been sent for safety. Still the fort held out. But the next morning, when Drake moved the fleet farther inside and their guns were run out for a bombardment, the fort, too, was evacuated, and without a shot. So the capital of the Spanish Main, despite its elab orate provisions for defence and the unquestioned bravery of its defenders, fell into Drake's hands at practically a single stroke. It was counted, as it was, a famous victory; and the cleverness of the plan of attack, outwitting the experienced Spanish officers com manding the defence, brought Drake recognition as a military genius. The city, too, was deemed the richest of his prizes. For, although smaller than Santo Domingo and less renowned, it was from its strategical position of greater importance and had greater wealth. Santo Domingo had lost its commercial pre-eminence while Cartagena had become the trade centre; the former city was now inhabited mainly by officials, "lawyers, and brave gen tlemen," while the latter had "farre more richer mer chants." Accordingly Drake must have from this city the heavier ransom. His demand was a hundred thou sand pounds. The authorities naturally demurred. Drake was firm, but was ready to give them reason able time to arrange the matter. Meanwhile unwonted courtesies passed between the invaders and the invaded. There were feastings; visits to the admiral by the governor of the city, the bishop, and "divers other gentlemen of the better sort"; and pleasant entertain ments ashore. When, however, the reasonable time had expired and settlement was apparently no nearer Drake gave the city to the sack, and repeated his tactics at Santo Domingo the burning of the city by piecemeal. "It was touched in the out parts/' Biggs tells us, "and consumed much with fire." The shipping found in the harbour, too, was all destroyed. Still the authorities failed to come to terms. When a month had gone by Drake called a council of war to consider the situation. Besides the matter of the ran som the condition of the fleet's force was becoming a cause of anxiety. In addition to the losses sustained in the fierce assault, and the temporary incapacity of a number of the men from wounds, not a few were down with sickness. Several of Drake's best officers, too, were gone. Among these was Tom Moone. The brave fellow had at last succumbed, caught in an am bush and mortally wounded by Spanish musketeers. It happened in this wise. One day the English sen tinel stationed in the church steeple sighted two frig ates at sea making for the harbour, and Moone and others put out in a pinnace to head off and capture them. They ran themselves ashore. The pinnace following was drawn into the ambush and Moone met his fate. These propositions were put before the council : the first, to hold the city against the present enemy and re-enforcements that might arrive in ships from Spain, and make it a base of further operations; second, to continue further trial of their fortunes according to the original plan; third, to accept a smaller ransom for Cartagena, and "so presently homeward." These propositions were considered by the military officers in one group and by the sea captains in another. The military officers, notwithstanding their weakened force, were ready to hold the city against all comers if the sea captains could with the strength that remained to man the ships undertake their safety and service should a Spanish fleet come upon them. The sea captains' reply is not recorded, but probably their attitude was as recklessly brave as that of the military men. However, it was finally determined to accept a smaller ransom, which they concluded could be done with honour, inasmuch as they had "taken full pleasure both in the uttermost sacking and spoyling of all" the u householde goods and merchandize" of the Carta- genians, and in burning or ruining a good part of their town. The ransom as now agreed upon was one hundred and ten thousand ducats, equal to about a quarter of a million of English money. Upon its payment the soldiers were withdrawn from the city and a part quartered upon the monastery standing upon the har bour water-side. For this, being outside the city, Drake demanded an additional ransom of a thousand crowns. The sum was paid. A ransom of another thousand crowns was requested for the harbour fort. This was refused. Thereupon the fort was under mined and "blowen up in pieces." Meanwhile the fleet had drawn toward the harbour mouth where men were employed in taking on fresh water; and on the last day of March they put to sea, now homeward bound. That they were obliged to abandon the rest of the original programme, particularly the enterprise against Nombre-de-Dios and thence to Panama, where they "should have strooken the stroke for the treasure and full recompence" for their "tedious travails/' was keenly regretted by the admiral's council; yet much had been accomplished to fill them with satisfaction and pride. Besides having administered another sting ing blow to Spain at the fountain-head of her supplies, and having taken another fat purse of ransom money, the ships of the fleet and the prizes were carrying off sixty more captured guns, all the bells and metal of Cartagena, quantities of rich merchandise taken from Spanish warehouses, choice furnishings from the houses of wealthy merchants, and other spoil; while to the force were added, as at Santo Domingo, a motley crew of liberated galley-slaves "Turks, Greeks, Negroes, Frenchmen," and even Spaniards. And their advent ures were not yet ended, for on the way home it was understood that they might manoeuvre off Havana and would come along the Florida coast.
Benbow: А есть ли у вас состав эскадры Дрейка с указанием количества орудий? Я нашел пока только "Элизабэт Бонавентуре" и "Тайгер".
Эдд: Benbow пишет: "Элизабэт Бонавентуре" и "Тайгер Вооружение этих 2-х судов есть в списке королевского флота (34 корабля), вооруженного протв Армады в 1588 г.: Elizabeth Bonaventure - перестр. 1581 г., 600 т, 150 моряков, 24 канонира, 76 солдат = 230, 2-60, 2-32, 12-18, 14-9, 4-5.5, 2-4, 12 - мелких=47. Tiger - перестр. 1570, 200 т, 80 моряков, 12 канониров, 8 солдат = 100, 4-18, 8-9, 8-5.5, 10 мелких=30. Остальные буду искать.
Эдд: Как ни странно, но в 7-томной Clowes, Laird, The Royal Navy. A History…, I об экспедиции Дрейка в 1585-87 гг. ничего не сказано, упоминается только, что он прибыл в июне 1586 г. в Вирджинию и предложил колонистам продовольствие, но те предпочли вернуться домой. Приведены только названия его судов в атаке на Кадис в 1587 г. В трех работах, из которых я поместил отрывки по Картахене 1586-7, говорится, что это была крупная частная экспедиция, главным пайщиком была сама королева, у Дрейка был 21 корабль, 8 пиннасов и 2300 чел. Почти все суда были частные, в т.ч. и лондонский Tiger, по которому я дал данные, как по королевскому, но это был, видимо, другой корабль. Состав сил: Elizabeth Bonaventure – Адмирал Дрейк Primrose (самый большой приватир) – Вице-адмирал Фробишер Galleon Leicester – Контр-адмирал Knollys (кузен королевы) Tiger Thomas Drake (по имени капитана) Francis Bark Bonner Bark Benjamin Hope Duck galiot Это – более крупные суда. Позже упоминался также Dragon. Все (кроме флагмана Дрейка) – частные. По списку приватиров, зафрахтованных против Армады в 1588 г. можно проверить эти частные суда, но там данные только по тоннажу.
Эдд: Весь № 163 журнала "Новый солдат" (2002) занимает статья "Морские псы Елизаветы". Здесь утверждается (без ссылки на источники), что в сентябре 1585 г. Дрейк имел 25 судов, в т.ч. 4 королевских, включая Golden Lion с помощником Дрейка Вильямом Ьаро. Но William Borough был вице-адмиралом у Дрейка на Golden Lion в 1587 г., в походе против Испании, и 4 королевских корабля у Дрейка были в 1587 г. По данным E.M. Bacon, The boy's Drake (1910), в сентябре 1585 г. у Дрейка: The squadron when at length assembled constituted the strongest if not the largest private fleet organised in England up to that time. It comprised thirty sail, merchant-men and ships from the royal navy, and a force, including soldiers and sailors, of twenty-three hundred men. The merchant-men, with the "Prim rose" at their head, contributed by London men, included some of the finest vessels in the mercantile marine, while the war-ships were two of the best in the navy. The enterprise was backed by a joint stock company, and quite likely several of Drake's former partners were of this corporation. The officers sur rounding him constituted a company of men remark able for distinguished sea service or for influential family connection. The vice-admiral was Sir Martin Frobisher, the great navigator now at the height of his fame. The rear-admiral was Francis Knollys, a cousin to Queen Elizabeth and Leicester's brother-in- law. The lieutenant-general commanding the land forces was Christopher Carleill, son-in-law of Walsing- ham, an experienced soldier who had come from Ire land where he had been operating a squadron against pirates and Irish "rebels." Of Drake's subordinate officers were Captain Walter Biggs and Lieutenant Cates who kept the record of the expedition, and whose narrative Hakluyt gives in his Principal! Navigations. From this narrative and from the log of the "Prim rose," and various letters, the story of the voyage is gleaned. Drake as admiral hoisted his flag on the largest of the war-ships, the "Elizabeth Bonaventure," six hun dred tons. His flag-captain was Thomas Fenner, afterward vice-admiral in the navy. Frobisher placed his flag as vice-admiral on the "Primrose." Knollys as rear-admiral occupied the "Galleon Leicester." Gen eral Carleill commanded another of the London ves sels, the "Tiger." Drake's youngest brother, Thomas Drake, was given command of one of two ships which Drake himself contributed, the "Thomas Drake"; of the other, the "Francis," our gallant old friend Tom Moone was put in charge. Other "Golden Hind" men in commands were Captain George For- tesque, in the "Bark Bonner," Captain John Martyn in the "Bark Benjamin," Captain Edward Careless in the "Hope," and Captain Richard Hawkins, Sir John's son, in the galiot "Duck." Just before the sailing Sir Philip Sidney, slipping away from court, appeared at Plymouth and announced himself to Drake as a volunteer for the expedition, but the queen called him back to London. The vacillating queen, shifting her policy with em barrassing suddenness, delayed the fleet's departure. All was in readiness in August, and when at last word was given on the I4th of September Drake hurried the squadron away lest the queen should again change her mind.
Эдд: Я просмотрел в Интернете ряд работ о Дрейке, в т.ч. Campbell, Lives of the British Admirals (1785), о составе его сил в 1585-86 гг. ничего нет, есть только в J. Barrow, Life, Voyages and Exploits of Sir Francis Drake (1861); здесть сказано, что собственно военными были только 3 флагмана - Eliяabeth Bonaventure, Primrose, Gallion Leicester, Tyger (на котором находился ген.-лейт. Карлейл), остальные использовались в качестве транспортов.
Эдд: В списке частных англ. судов, мобилизованных в 1588 г. против Армады, имеются следующие сведения по частным судам Дрейка в 1585-86 гг.: Galleon Leicester 34 пушки 160 чел. Primrose 20, 90 Tiger 20.90
Эдд: В списке 1588 г. есть еще данные на другие суда Дрейка в 1588 г.: Thomas Drake - 18, 80 Bark Bonner 14, 70 Hope 2, 40
Benbow: Я тут нашел испанские данные о взятии Сан-Доминго. Весело. Судя по всему Дрейк в официальной истории - это еще больший источник мифов, чем Нельсон.
Benbow: Вообще тщательное изучение документов приводит к мысли, что не был Дрейк великим полководцем. В испанских индиях с безопасностью был просто бардак. Как говорил один из монахов, города в Индии были защищены не крепкими стенами и гарнизонами, а дальностью их от Европы и тяжестью переходов в эти воды.
Эд: Силы испанцев в Картахене в 1586 г., по испанским данным: 30 аркебузиров, 50 индейских лучников, имелось 8 пушек, 2 небольшие кулеврины, 1 фальконет и 7 бочонков пороха, которые обслуживали 25 солдат и 12 моряков, не считая негов-рабов. У Дрейка было около 1000 человек. Дрейк требовал 400000 дукатов, но по условиям капитуляции получил только 120000. Этот эпизод, в связи с ничтожностью испанских сил, никак нельзя считать выдающимся примером английской десантной операции, типичный разбойничий налет, серьезные историки ВМФ о нем даже не упоминают.
Benbow: В Сан-Доминго при штурме англичане потерь не имели, а испанцы потеряли одного человека, который умер.... от разрыва сердца при залпах орудий. Вот и верь после этого историческим книжкам. За все время пребывания англичане убили еще двоих испанцев, которые вступились за изнасилованную мулатку Есть даже их имена. Про индейцев и негров не сообщается ничего, возможно им было пофигу, кто их грабит, ингелезы или идальго, а возможно их просто за людей не считали, потому и в списки погибших не включали. Но для меня был очень интересный факт - в Сан-Доминго ан тот момент было всего лишь 20 испанских семей. То есть примерно 60 человек. Стены и башни в основном были деревянными. На весь город 4 небольших кулеврины. Серьезного сопротивления при таком раскладе ожидать было глупо.
Kris Reid: Нашлась интересная информация: "в 1553 некий французский капитан, командовавший одним кораблем и экипажем в 80 человек, объединившись с восставшими неграми, разорил столицу Испанского Мэйна (Картахена?) и четыре окрестных селения, затем Сантъяго-де-Куба и, наконец, саму Гавану (с населением в 1200 человек)."
Benbow: Столица испанского Мэйна - это не Картахена. Речь скорее о Панаме или Порто-Белло. Вообще же время Ришелье - это самое загадочное и неисследованное время во французском флоте.
Эд: Benbow пишет: время Ришелье - это самое загадочное и неисследованное время во французском флоте. Что именно имеется в виду?
Benbow: Эд пишет: Что именно имеется в виду? СТроительство флота, военно-морская поддержка Португалии, война с итальянцами к примеру.
Эд: Состав флота при Ришелье есть на sailingwarships.com, есть некоторые данные о войне на Средиземном море с испанцами в 1630-40-х гг. и во время Фронды 1650-х. А как сделать Спасибо: 0 +1 ? И надо ли это делать? (Зачем?)
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